This is is equivalent to 1, notional hours of study and the same as 48 weeks of full-time work based on a You are expected to be in attendance at UCL throughout the duration of the academic year in which you are registered, from September to September. Your attendance will be monitored regularly through a combination of class registers, meetings with personal tutors, examination attendance, coursework and IRE submission.
Except in the case of certain extenuating circumstances, such as illness or a bereavement, you must seek prior approval from the Director of Taught Graduate Programmes for any absences from the programme. LLM Law programme modules are taught either in seminars or in lectures and tutorials, depending on the number of students enrolled in the module. You will be able to find the methods of instruction for each module on its summary page.
You can expect to attend one two-hour seminar or lecture each week for every module you are registered on. Typically, full-time students will have eight hours of teaching time each week of terms one and two, as well as any additional tutorials. Seminars and tutorials involve class discussions, and you will be expected to actively participate in those discussions.
You may also be asked to work in teams and make presentations to the rest of your class. Each module is supported by a dedicated website containing materials such as reading lists, links to relevant websites and academic articles, as well as the latest news on the subject. Most of your classes are held at UCL, but some of our classes are held at the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies or at other colleges affiliated with the University of London. Assessment in taught modules is normally by examination, an assessed coursework essay, or through a combination of both.
You can find the details of the methods of assessment for each module on its module summary page. Generally, your assessed coursework essays will be submitted at the start of term three, and all examinations are held during term three. During the programme, you will research and write an Independent Research Essay IRE of up to 12, words, which is worth 60 credits and counts towards your final grade. You will be expected to select a research topic in consultation with your academic advisor within an area of law that reflects your specialist degree if applicable.
If you choose to study flexibly up to five years it is possible to complete the Independent Research Essay earlier in the programme, but it must be completed within twelve months of registering for the Independent Research Essay.
Provisional taught module and Independent Research Essay marks and recommended awards will be published at the end of October, following your completion of the programme. It is researched and written under the guidance of a member of academic staff and the model for the Independent Research Essay is a law journal article or law review essay. The Independent Research Essay is different from doctoral research.
You will not be expected to develop an original thesis, although when it is complete, you should be able to demonstrate a solid understanding of a particular aspect of law and the ability to explain and criticise it convincingly.
The Independent Research Essay has several aims. Each student will learn more about a particular aspect of law in depth and enhance their ability to develop and deliver a cogent argument, research efficiently and comprehensively, and write for a legal audience. The Independent Research Essay adds breadth to the programme since guidance is available for a wide range of topics beyond those offered through the taught modules.
The opportunity to pursue the project with the guidance of an academic advisor is often a very special part of the LLM programme for each student. In term one, the student will formulate a topic, and by the start of term two, will be assigned to an advisor. Early in term two, the student and advisor will agree the research topic and an outline for the Independent Research Essay. Research and writing continues in terms two and three and throughout the summer. The advisor provides advice and comments on a draft portion of the Independent Research Essay.
Additional support is provided by legal research and writing mentors. The best preparation for the Independent Research Essay is to read articles in respected journals in related areas of law and you are encouraged to do this before you arrive at UCL. When selecting your modules you may choose up to 30 credits from graduate modules taught in other UCL faculties and departments. The module or modules chosen must help build a coherent programme of study and be commensurate with the LLM.
Before registering on modules taught in other UCL faculties or departments, you must first receive approval from the Director of Taught Graduate Programmes and from the host faculty or department. With just over 70 graduate taught modules to choose from, there are thousands of possible combinations of study on the LLM. To get the most out of your LLM degree it is important that you plan your degree pathway, module choices and IRE topic before you arrive.
To successfully complete the LLM programme you must complete credits, comprising of credits of Masters level taught modules offered in the Faculty of Laws and the compulsory 12,word Independent Research Essay worth credits. Subject to approval, this can be amended to include a maximum of credits of Masters level taught modules from another faculty or department at UCL. All modules studied must be Masters level taught modules within UCL. It is not possible to study Undergraduate level taught modules at UCL nor Masters level taught modules at another institution in order to obtain credits as part of the LLM programme.
If you choose to obtain the general LLM Law degree you can choose to study any combination of credits of Masters level taught modules on offer in the Faculty of Laws. The compulsory 12,word Independent Research Essay may be written on any area of law. If you wish to obtain a LLM specialist degree you must study credits of Masters level taught modules including a minimum of credits of qualifying taught modules for that specialist degree pathway.
On its long journey since declaring independence from Somalia in , Somaliland has, in building its own democratic model—a process far from conflict-free —relied time and again on customary dispute-resolution mechanisms to pull a tense situation back from the brink. This suggests over-reliance on the customary systems that have taken Somaliland so far. And, side by side with a regrettable entrenchment of clanism in politics, the stakes are increasing.
Deals with the United Arab Emirates around the port of Berbera mean real wealth is at stake, and put Somaliland at the centre of a complicated mosaic of regional power politics.
While the presidential election has been put to bed, the political and clan-based divisions remain. And a long-delayed parliamentary election, scheduled for March and sure to be a far more complicated contest than the relatively straightforward presidential one, is fast approaching.
If, and when, that poll goes ahead, the DPU hopes to again be part of an observation mission, to a successful poll. He has been working in Somaliland since , and has now observed four elections there. Africa , election , Horn of Africa , parliamentary election , participation , politics , somaliland.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 25 April , the residents of Kola Tree in Cockle Bay were awakened to the shouts of fire.
The blaze took place in the informal settlement located in the Western coast of Freetown and affected 97 people. Although there were no casualties reported, rampant loss of property, possessions and livelihoods were claimed by the incident. A crowd of residents were still dealing with the aftermath of the fire over the rubbles of their corrugated metal sheet homes.
Despite all effort to mitigate damages, the flames had been eventually extinguished by burying them under the collapsing building structures. It was soon established that the Cockle Bay community was left on its own to undertake responsive actions. There were minimal external interventions save for the fire brigade who attempted to extinguish the fire alongside the residents. While the source of the fire was yet to be determined, the rapid assessment conducted by partners on the ground speculated the possibility of an electrical fault.
The Office of National Security ONS responded hours after the event and is reportedly conducting a more detailed assessment to identify the origin of the fire. DPU team supporting the enumeration of those affected by fire in Cockle Bay. The absence of external support during small-scale disasters is not unusual for informal settlements. In most circumstances, external actors such as governmental institutions and non-governmental organisations have to conserve their limited resources.
Consequently, they can only respond to severe incidents. Minor disasters such as that in Cockle Bay accordingly tend to be overlooked and underreported. Moreover, dismal planning characterised by limited road access and dispersed and insufficient water sources also hinder evacuation and relief efforts and exacerbate the everyday risks facing local communities.
Moreover, although preliminary relief is given to the victims of disasters, this is often insufficient to ensure that those affected can recover from such events, let alone to escape risk accumulation and poverty cycles. It is estimated that about fires outbreaks affected those living in informal settlements in Freetown between to Di Marino et al, Fires are only one of the multiple hazards facing poor and impoverished women and men in the city on a regular basis.
Other hazards include floods, mudslides, landslides, waterborne diseases, and occupational hazards, amongst others. Each of these disasters, small and large-scale, disproportionately impact the urban poor — destroying their housing, disrupting their education and in some case, even terminating their sources of livelihood.
The fire outbreak in Cockle Bay brings to light the broader issue of prolonged systematic oversight of informal settlements and the invisibility of certain segments of the city population, such as tenants. As the fire was confined to a mere 8 compounds within a small area of about m 2 , initial estimates speculated that about 20 people had being affected. However, the enumeration process conducted by the team in collaboration with local residents revealed that it was in fact a total of 97 people, a third of whom were children.
This yields an abrupt indication of how vulnerable groups such as tenants and the youth in households are often inadvertently not accounted for, leaving them virtually invisible by the community themselves in times of disasters. Lacking the means to enter the housing and land markets elsewhere in the city, many women in men are forced to reside in informal settlements like Cockle Bay.
Therefore, these areas have experienced consistent densification and land reclamation over the years, particularly since the Civil War. Aside from high housing densities, most informal settlements also face scarce provision of basic services. Communities are forced to utilise improvised infrastructures, causing overloading of electrical points. In the area affected by the blaze, all 34 families relied on two metered connections for electricity.
Some might posit that informal settlements are hazards in themselves and ought to be eradicated. Moreover, their residents perform jobs that support the daily functioning of Freetown; quietly they run the city.
Events like the fire in Cockle Bay remind us of the need to stop blaming the victims and victimising the poor, the need to acknowledge that they live at risk not as an exception but as a common reality, the need to seek pathways for more inclusive urbanisation beyond risk. The initiative aimed at fostering the reflexivity of students and staff towards the identification of knowledge needs and pedagogical challenges.
The workshop exposed the participants to low income communities, their technologies, practices and agency. Urban challenges such as rapid informal urbanisation and the reproduction of spatial injustice have to be investigated and tackled by embracing a new and radical mode of practice.
If challenges are utterly complex, is the old-fashion market-driven technical-based knowledge sufficient? Architecture and urban design should be seen as a series of processes that engage with political and social realities. What type of spatio-political knowledge is required within a studio then? Anyone can be an architect. Whose creativity counts then? This calls upon re-questioning the role of the expert and the way in which discourses of expertise are constituted in particular contexts.
Initially involved in separate activities, staff and students ended up together in a conclusive participatory reflection on the role of the of the knowledge in architectural and urban design practice. Watson, Odendaal, Duminy et a. Indeed, architectural knowledge is situated, as it emerges from particular contexts of application, with and within their own theoretical frameworks, methods of research and practice. And architectural knowledge is relational, as knowledge production and learning are necessarily defined within relative positions, in conversation with existing discourses, material processes and the socially constructed and mediated structures of power.
It is through unpacking these relational dimensions that we make sense of urban objects and processes, and identify opportunities for positive transformation.
Finally, architectural knowledge is reflexive, especially with regard to the role and position of architects working within people-centred processes. It calls for a constant reflection upon and reinvention of the self and the other.
Situated, relational and reflexive, three pedagogical challenges that foster a constitutive role for architectural knowledge in addressing spatial injustice. People-centred design workshop — Supitcha Tovivich lecturing on What creativity counts.
Far from being a narcissistic reflection on the disciplinary and professional role, the three-day activity enabled the encounter between pedagogical needs — shaped by new urban challenges, competences and methods. Delving into what it takes to make an architect, the training proved that education can be changed in a participatory way — meeting the needs of the students, a demand-led approach to curriculum change.
Filed under Urban Transformations. In this series of two blogs, Bethania Soriano and Sharon Ayalon -participants of the workshop- reflect on subjective realities, developmental disparities, and regeneration processes in divided Nicosia.
Part 1 can be viewed here. The SummerLab provided the opportunity to challenge preconceived notions of the oversimplified reality that centres around a dichotomised conflict pitting Greek-Cypriot against Turkish-Cypriot. By engaging with the materiality of the city and its social networks, we attempted to uncover nuances and complexities in a context of deep-seated division, territorial and politico-ideological contestation.
Thus, we conducted fieldwork, collecting different perceptions on belonging and uncovering particularly situated narratives. Exploring both sides of the divided city, we recognised that the agents who productively engage with difference were mostly young artists, not only from the expected majoritarian ethnic groups, but from an international expatriate community that congregate in Cyprus.
As a young musician told us:. People from all over the world live here. The informal interviews conducted in these spaces highlighted, in the evocative and charged language used by the interviewees, the importance of capturing voices beyond the well-known register — those whose stories will not feature as officially promoted, sanctioned narratives.
When asked to comment on the prevailing mentalities from people in the north and south, a young British-Filipino singer articulated her thoughts in a candid way, disconcerting in its lyrical tone:. In the north people are chaotic, relaxed, middle-eastern… when we play, they dance and smile back at you. In the south people are serious and philosophical, more reserved and conservative… and really scarred by what happened. Whereas in the north, the rarefied and ephemeral re-imaginings of identity and belonging are expressed in the ways people wish to highlight and confront narratives of prejudice:.
Motivated by the need for political survival against the longstanding embargo and isolation from the international community, many Turkish-Cypriots are interested in carving a sense of collective Cypriot identity that includes southerners.
However, across Nicosia diverse voices can be heard. Alongside few Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots who dared to venture beyond rigid confines and shed some of the values of their communities, others were conflicted:.
Identity is also fluid and in constant transformation. Bethania Soriano is an independent researcher based in London, particularly focused on the politics of contested spaces — the ways in which people negotiate the environments they inhabit, adapting, reclaiming and ultimately shaping space by virtue of their everyday practices. More specifically, she focuses on artistic interventions in contested cities and the ways in which they affect and are affected by urban segregation patterns and boundaries.
There are better-developed physical and institutional infrastructures in the south, from public transport and organised rubbish collection, to the presence of international banks, companies and organisations. Patent signs of gentrification can be seen, where hip areas shed their local shops in favour of commercially branded streets, tagged with reproaching graffiti and street art.
In the south, another consequence of rapid development is the large influx of economic migrants predominantly from Southeast Asia. Thus, new, vibrant migrant communities such as Filipinos, live side-by-side with long-established minorities such as Maronite, Armenians, etc. They occupy mostly run-down, city centre areas where accommodation is cheaper. Furthermore, the north is under international embargo, in a vacuum of investment in infrastructure, with the exception of direct financial aid from Turkey and localised cash injections from independent, foreign investors in tourism.
North Cyprus experiences similar development processes to the south, albeit at a slower pace. Its commercial streets are still lined with local shops, except for Turkish companies. Similarly, the large presence of economic migrants is noticeable, although in the north these are predominantly Turkish, unskilled seasonal labourers, housed in neglected, inner-city areas. These two parallel realities are becoming more disparate, with the south developing rapidly and losing its uniqueness faster.
The country seems to be at a crucial moment — if it continues growing apart at this rate, the discrepancy in development levels will be hard to match, and true unification, whether a desired political project, may not be a possible outcome for decades.
Returning to the level of the city, another common trend in the revitalisation of rundown areas observed in Nicosia is culture-led urban regeneration. Since this model has proven problematic in a variety of contexts, it must also be addressed in the case of Nicosia, where the agents of transformation were mostly young artists engaging with bottom-up urban interventions.
Moreover, these artistic manifestations are potent political statements — the record of personal and collective narratives, otherwise unacknowledged, and a direct reflection of issues dominating social imaginaries.
Unfortunately, there is a danger to art being identified as something to be consumed and commodified. Then, bottom-up, hipster-led city activation can be adopted by developers and municipalities and turned into top-down, culture-led urban renewal projects. Over the years, criticism of the transformation of art into cultural capital, a tool of symbolic economy or a mean for marketing and branding, has shown that investment in art rarely trickles down or triggers the wheels of economy as expected.
In fact, it is more likely for veteran residents to become the main victims of these strategies, which escalate gentrification, prompt social exclusion and displacement. In sum, it is necessary to interrogate the role of art in attracting investment; whose art; how much art; and what kind of development is being promoted.
In conclusion, this split island country is embedded in a broader context; needing international recognition, substantial and sustained investment from external actors. As such, it has to be understood in the interplay between political zones of influence and corresponding financing streams, where the strength or fragility of foreign allegiances can produce great disparities in development levels.
We leave Cyprus, wondering how could regeneration processes, often initiated by the creativity of local actors and later propelled by external forces, allow for dissonant voices in contested spaces to be heard but not co-opted for political or economic gains.
Contemporary urban studies, especially those in global cities often acknowledge the challenges in city planning and a variety of urban development problems that are associated with rapid urban growth. One of the many thought-provoking questions posed by Nadia to the audience during her presentation was; how do we deal with social issues in urban planning? More so, it raises the complex question; how does a planner reconcile issues relating to spatial justice with preservation of heritage?
Since the s, Brazilian cities have experienced rapid urbanisation and this conurbation is moving into neighbouring vicinities and the outskirts of the city, bringing with it a myriad of social, economic and planning challenges Sperandelli et al, Historic buildings are gradually demolished in favour of high rise apartments.
Housing remains a pertinent issue in the city even with the introduction and implementation of master planning and zoning. As highlighted by Nadia, there exists a number of listed buildings with very little being done in terms of preservation. In discussing the evolution and urban morphology of the city, it is pertinent to examine the disembeddedness of social practices in defining and owning the space. Nadia highlighted the issue of identity and how the residents perceive heritage buildings.
Social practices and the way identity is perceived also play a crucial role in preserving heritage sites. One theme emanating from the discussions was that different countries view and understand heritage in diverse ways. The HLF uses money raised through the National Lottery to provide grants for conservation activities or projects. A project would need to meet several criteria for funding, one of which is that the building must have some economic use as well as being beneficial to the community.
The concluding part of the seminar was an intellectual discussion centred on preservation and heritage. I took from the engaging and enlightening debate that heritage is understood and perceived in different ways, and in different parts of the world.
Another important observation that I made, is that for an inclusionary understanding of heritage management to take place, it is necessary to identify the importance of heritage both in economic terms and its contribution to the community and then seeking for different streams of funding.
There is also the need for participation from all, including planners, architects and the community. A good example mentioned by Barbara Lipietz, of the Development Planning Unit DPU , is her reference to the case of Medellin, Colombia, where planners, community members, architects and different actor groups come together in a city level to tackle problems associated with urban planning.
In conclusion, heritage management must not only focus on the preservation of heritage but also at the same time ensure the economic and community benefit. Environment and Urbanization, 17 1 , pp. Urban revolutions in an age of global urbanism. Unpublished regional study prepared for the Global Report on Human Settlements. Lilian Schofield has a PhD in Construction and Property Management and investigated the role of stakeholders in housing development projects in poor communities in Nigeria.
Protected by Akismet Blog with WordPress. Leave This Blank Too: Do Not Change This: Notes from a workshop on inclusiveness and development planning.
Follow the link to enter the Africa Voices ucl Photo Competition ucl. Oct 22, DAP students walking during the city orientation tour, in Kampala.
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“The idea of threshold concepts emerged from a UK national research project into the possible characteristics of strong teaching and learning environments in the disciplines for undergraduate education (Enhancing Teaching-Learning Environments in Undergraduate Courses). The international field trip is an integral component of the MSc Development Administration and Planning (DAP). After months of desk-based research in London, our cohort traveled to Kampala, Uganda, to understand how development initiatives are formulated and implemented in a specific context.
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